The Worker, Vol. 34, Number 9
The Ideological Struggle - A Vital Part of the Class Struggle of the Workers Against the Capitalists
In these days the ideas of the bourgeoisie — which they so incessantly propagate through the mass media, the educational and cultural institutions, etc. — are not only reactionary but they are moving backward at the fastest possible rate.
The capitalists propagate the ideas of race and national hatred — they promote chauvinism against other nations and peoples just as they push racism against the national minority peoples in the U.S. The politicians and media not only promote the ideology of capitalist exploitation but call for further reducing the wages and living standards of the working people — for continuing to slash social programs, for more wage cuts and union-busting, etc., etc. Everyday 10,001 arguments are put forward — to justify the stepped up suppression of democratic liberties, to justify government strike-breaking, to strip away elementary rights which protect the people against unwarranted arrest, search, etc.
The ideas of the capitalist class reflect their program and their objective social position. The capitalists promote the ideology of wage-slavery and exploitation because their social existence is based on the exploitation of the working masses; the capitalists promote the ideologies of chauvinism and racism because the U.S. capitalist class lives not only by the exploitation of the working class at home but also by the enslavement and super-exploitation of whole nations and peoples; because today U.S. imperialism remains the biggest colonial and neo-colonial power. Caught in the contradictions and crises of its own exploiting system, the capitalist ruling class has pitted itself in opposition to the fundamental needs and demands of the people. It is for this reason that the capitalist class is sifting through the garbage can of history to resurrect all the reactionary and bestial ideas of all the overthrown exploiting classes — the ideas and programs of the Hitlers and the Ku Klux Klan, ideas which have long been discarded by progressive mankind.
The ideas of the capitalists embody their plans and programs, show what they are preparing and carrying out against the peoples. The capitalist ideology is directed first and foremost against everything progressive and alive in society, against the never-ceasing and ever-mounting struggles of the people for economic and political rights — for genuine democracy, for freedom and social emancipation. The capitalists are straining to prevent the advance of the people by corroding the consciousness of the masses, by demoralizing the workers — leaving them without any perspective, without any thought about the present or the future. Capitalist ideology seeks to undermine the unity of the people, to disintegrate their struggles.
The methods used by the capitalists are varied — openly reactionary ideas are used to spearhead the attack, to terrorize and demoralize the masses while more sophisticated methods are employed to create the idea that nothing exists or is possible except the system of capitalist exploitation and oppression. The capitalists rely extensively on the method of “doublespeak” and the Big Lie to hide their own crimes and to slander the people, especially those who rise in struggle. A deliberate blockade of silence is maintained against the progressive movements of the masses as well as against the historic victories of the working class. The mass media also carries out campaigns of diversions and provocations against the people.
The Worker stands in opposition to and struggle against capitalist ideology and the capitalist class. In terms of quantity, in terms of technical and financial resources, etc. of course, The Worker is no match for the capitalist media. But when we look at the short history of The Worker we see that it is flourishing and developing in all aspects. In only a few years, our paper has grown in its size and format, vastly extended its coverage and deepened its analysis, increased its circulation 200 fold, etc. The Worker — written, financed, published by the workers themselves and passed from hand to hand — finds its way into the homes and hearts of working people all across the city and the country precisely because the ideas of The Worker are the ideas of the working class — ideas which arise from the conditions, from the actual life of the workers and reflect their aspirations and their needs. The ideas of The Worker are the advanced, scientific ideas which show how to fight capitalist oppression and which point the way out of the hell of capitalism. The sole task of The Worker, its only reason for existence — is to present the politics and ideology of the working class.
The question of providing clear-cut and scientific solutions is fundamental. Part of the arsenal of the bourgeoisie on the ideological front is to expose certain problems. In fact the bourgeoisie have created a big industry out of “exposing” what everyone already knows. But all these “exposures” are designed either to create the illusion that the problem is being taken care of (while business continues as usual) or else to leave the masses with a feeling of powerlessness, with the feeling that there are too many problems without any solution.
We provide solutions because in the first place we deal not just with effects but also reveal the root cause of the sufferings of the masses as the capitalist system. Our solutions are based on the great historical truths that it is the class struggle of the workers and oppressed masses which is the source of all progress, that the decisive question is the independent organization and degree of consciousness of the workers which determines the effectiveness of the struggle, that independent consciousness and organization is linked with isolation and exposure of the parties of compromise, that the goal of the struggle is the overthrow of the state machine, the political instrument for maintaining the oppression and exploitation, and that only through the revolution can the workers proceed with the building of the genuine socialist society.
With this line we link together the short-term and long-term solutions, always concentrating the attention of the workers on the burning political task — the task of building up the political party and mass organizations of the workers themselves, of developing the independent organization which maximizes the immediate struggle and at the same time accumulates forces for the socialist revolution.
This is the line of science, the line of Marxism-Leninism.
Above all things, bourgeois ideology is directed against Marxism-Leninism. Today the bourgeoisie are engaged in a deafening propaganda campaign about the so-called death of Marxism which is called a “dogma,” a “faith”, a “religion.” But there is nothing new in this bourgeois campaign — for 140 years they have been engaged in the same hysterical propaganda. The campaign of the bourgeoisie against Marxism-Leninism is a campaign against science, against rational human thought as well as a campaign against the working class and its struggle for emancipation. One of the prime things that distinguishes human beings from the animal kingdom is that the activity of human beings is informed by thought, by ideas — through social activity the people come to reflect in their minds the objective laws inherent in nature and society and in turn use these ideas to guide their activity. Marxism-Leninism is the science of social development, the reflection in thought of the objective processes of change, development and motion which are unfolding in society. Marxism-Leninism is a summation of the struggles of the working class and oppressed masses who throughout history have been pushing society forward.
Thus the attempt of the bourgeoisie to claim that Marxism is a dogma is really an attempt to negate the existence of objective reality, to negate the laws of motion of society, to maintain that society is unknowable and that history itself is a series of accidents. It is interesting that underneath the propaganda about the “sterility and dogmatism of Marxism” the bourgeoisie present the most metaphysical, idealist and dead dogmas. The cornerstone of bourgeois theories is that history and social development has stopped with the advent of capitalism, that social progress is no longer possible nor desirable. To present this static, absurd view of history as true, the bourgeoisie maintain that all the social and ideological categories created by the bourgeoisie (the exploitation of labor by capital, the capitalist ideologies of exploitation, pragmatism, etc., etc.) are eternal. Thus the bourgeoisie condemn Marxism for not taking into account the fact that man, by nature, is “greedy, sinful and striving always to exploit and oppress.”
The fact is that no amount of bourgeois propaganda or repression can ever wipe out Marxism-Leninism, any more than one could hope to wipe out the law of gravity. Marxism-Leninism arises from the objective world. Just as the working class — its aspirations and struggles for a world without exploitation — is the main motor of social development, Marxism-Leninism is the theory that guides the working class in overthrowing the old society and building the new.
The bourgeois complaint against the Marxist-Leninists is that we are too definite in our ideas and our activity; the bourgeoisie allege that Marxist-Leninists are narrow in outlook, close-minded, authoritarian, etc. The bourgeoisie call us anti-democratic because we say that Racists and Fascists Have No Right to Speak. Everyday while the bourgeoisie organizes secret meetings and plots against the people we go amongst the people to engage in discussion and persuasion. We engage in discussion to assist the masses in coming forward in the struggle, to explain the Marxist-Leninist science and persuade the masses about the correctness of our line but, at the same time, our line itself is never a matter of discussion. We do not discuss whether racial discrimination, whether aggressive imperialist war or capitalism is good or bad — we fight against these things and for their overthrow.
Another aspect of the definiteness of Marxist-Leninists is that we do not forget historical experience nor do we forget the character of classes. No matter how many times the Democratic Party calls itself the party of the workers, peace and the national minorities we remember that this party is a party of the capitalists, a party that wears the robes of the KKK, that has joined in the most genocidal imperialist wars, that calls out the troops and police against workers' strikes. The bourgeoisie hate the Marxist-Leninists for our definiteness, for our obstinate refusal to forget historical experience. The bourgeoisie seek to create euphoria amongst the masses, to say one thing in public and do the opposite behind the backs of the people, to attack the masses one day but call for conciliation the next. By sticking to the Marxist-Leninist principles, the Marxist-Leninist science and the Marxist-Leninist analysis we insure that we are never caught unawares but are always ready to throw ourselves into the struggle against the bourgeoisie — into the struggle to defend and advance the interests of the masses.
The opportunists attack Marxism-Leninism on the same basis and with the same virulence as the bourgeoisie. The opportunists insist that they “sympathize” with the Marxist-Leninists and the workers — that they want the “same things” — even while they insist that we are “too definite,” that if we only water down the line a little we will get better results.
One of the opportunist refrains goes like this “well, in theory, you are right but in practice .. .” and after that little but the opportunists proceed to negate the entire Marxist-Leninist theory and program. Or the opportunists say “it is not a question of theory — of course, we agree with you, on that — but of tactics.” Indeed the question of tactics is extremely important but the tactical question is precisely the question of how to develop the immediate fight in order to advance the long-term interests of the proletariat; the Marxist-Leninist tactics deal with the question of how to fight while the opportunist tactics deal with the question of how to capitulate. Tactics involve developing the exposure and isolation of the trade union bosses, not uniting with them; tactics involve dealing blows at the Democratic Party and assisting the masses onto the path of independent political action, not striving to prolong the tutelage of the Democrats over the workers; tactics involves imbuing the masses with Marxism-Leninism by concretely analyzing the society, not hiding the truth from the people.
There are people who advertise themselves as Marxist-Leninists who follow this line — who maintain that the political line of an organization is irrelevant and that all political discussion and clarification leads to splits. These so-called Marxist-Leninists want vagueness and indefiniteness in politics in order to leave the workers under the domination of opportunism. It is precisely because people like this, like all opportunists, refuse to work out the independent Marxist-Leninist line and program that they are always cursing their fate, unable to orient even themselves much less place themselves at the head of the struggling masses.
While the opportunists, like all capitalist politicians, try to be as indefinite and vague as possible about how to advance the struggle and program of the working class, they are very definite and insistent about 10,001 little dogmas and doctrines. While the opportunists use indefiniteness to try to cover over their collaboration with the state machine, they are very definite that all “whites are racist.” While they try to avoid discussion on practical political life in order to cover over their alliance with the Democratic Party and the labor aristocracy they are very definite that “Stalin was a murderer,” that “socialism doesn't work,” etc., etc. The so-called Marxist-Leninists who refuse, on principle (!), to engage in political discussion are very definite about being the only people for “revolution here.”
All the dogmas and commandments of the opportunists are designed to divert attention from the question of finding solutions, from advancing the actual struggle and program of the working masses. The opportunists hope to cower the working people with grand phrases while avoiding discussion over the issues. The Marxist-Leninists do not raise ideological questions for their own sake or to divert attention. We propagate definite ideas in order to resolve the practical political problems facing the people — in order to advance the class and mass struggles, in order to build up the political party of the workers, in order to accumulate forces for the socialist revolution....
The key thing that has enabled us to advance is that we have built in a step-wise manner, working and fighting to turn the advanced Marxist-Leninist ideas info a material force amongst the masses — into organization as well as into a program of action. When we take up a question — whether it is the issue of war and imperialism, or the rights of immigrant workers, the resurgence of racism, or the broad campaign for democracy and socialism, we do not let go. We will continue these struggles until victory and the milestones along the way — the test of how we are advancing and getting results — are in the degree of organization and the level of struggle.
In order to translate the ideas of The Worker into the consciousness and organization of the masses, the first thing is that we can't keep these ideas to ourselves. Rather we must saturate the working class with them. Our experience shows that there is great ferment and discussion amongst the masses and that the widescale distribution of The Worker inevitably produces concrete results — new readers and subscribers, new links with the masses. In the course of this work we strengthen our contact with definite sections of the class.
We must stay in the center of the discussion of millions. And this requires efforts of everyone. We are centralizing the production, writing and distribution of The Worker precisely in order to maximize the initiative of the comrades and friends. The task of the editorial group is to present the line so that the entire organization can devote itself to winning the masses to the line. This means that every comrade must work to insure that The Worker addresses the problems of the masses and provides solutions. It is very easy to criticize the bourgeoisie, but the decisive question is to know the motion of the masses, to concretely assess the strength of various bourgeois and opportunist currents and to work out the tactics and program for advancing the struggle. This can only be accomplished through continual, live contact with the masses, through the conscious summation of the work and the unified struggle to implement the Marxist-Leninist tactics.
We need to persist, to stick with our principles and our line. The working class is persistent and disciplined by nature — it has no choice but to go to work everyday. Nor do the workers have any choice but to wage the class struggle everyday. The ideas of the workers are not something that they put on one day and take off the next like a suit of clothes. Everyday the workers denounce the capitalist class and struggle to gain their economic and political rights. So too for us. We are not only denouncing the capitalist class but trying to provide science and organization to the working class movement. We must always remember that what is clear to us, as Marxist-Leninists, is not necessarily and immediately clear to everyone else. We can never tire of discussing with our friends and with the masses, the events of the day and through a concrete analysis show them how to come forward and take up the ideological, political and organizational tasks which confront the working class.
The Marxist-Leninists, have 2 invincible weapons: we have the masses of people, who like us, are struggling for the truth, and we have the theory of Marxism-Leninism, the science of the working class and its revolutionary struggle. If we rely on these weapons we are invincible.
The capitalists propagate the ideas of race and national hatred — they promote chauvinism against other nations and peoples just as they push racism against the national minority peoples in the U.S. The politicians and media not only promote the ideology of capitalist exploitation but call for further reducing the wages and living standards of the working people — for continuing to slash social programs, for more wage cuts and union-busting, etc., etc. Everyday 10,001 arguments are put forward — to justify the stepped up suppression of democratic liberties, to justify government strike-breaking, to strip away elementary rights which protect the people against unwarranted arrest, search, etc.
The ideas of the capitalist class reflect their program and their objective social position. The capitalists promote the ideology of wage-slavery and exploitation because their social existence is based on the exploitation of the working masses; the capitalists promote the ideologies of chauvinism and racism because the U.S. capitalist class lives not only by the exploitation of the working class at home but also by the enslavement and super-exploitation of whole nations and peoples; because today U.S. imperialism remains the biggest colonial and neo-colonial power. Caught in the contradictions and crises of its own exploiting system, the capitalist ruling class has pitted itself in opposition to the fundamental needs and demands of the people. It is for this reason that the capitalist class is sifting through the garbage can of history to resurrect all the reactionary and bestial ideas of all the overthrown exploiting classes — the ideas and programs of the Hitlers and the Ku Klux Klan, ideas which have long been discarded by progressive mankind.
The ideas of the capitalists embody their plans and programs, show what they are preparing and carrying out against the peoples. The capitalist ideology is directed first and foremost against everything progressive and alive in society, against the never-ceasing and ever-mounting struggles of the people for economic and political rights — for genuine democracy, for freedom and social emancipation. The capitalists are straining to prevent the advance of the people by corroding the consciousness of the masses, by demoralizing the workers — leaving them without any perspective, without any thought about the present or the future. Capitalist ideology seeks to undermine the unity of the people, to disintegrate their struggles.
The methods used by the capitalists are varied — openly reactionary ideas are used to spearhead the attack, to terrorize and demoralize the masses while more sophisticated methods are employed to create the idea that nothing exists or is possible except the system of capitalist exploitation and oppression. The capitalists rely extensively on the method of “doublespeak” and the Big Lie to hide their own crimes and to slander the people, especially those who rise in struggle. A deliberate blockade of silence is maintained against the progressive movements of the masses as well as against the historic victories of the working class. The mass media also carries out campaigns of diversions and provocations against the people.
The Worker stands in opposition to and struggle against capitalist ideology and the capitalist class. In terms of quantity, in terms of technical and financial resources, etc. of course, The Worker is no match for the capitalist media. But when we look at the short history of The Worker we see that it is flourishing and developing in all aspects. In only a few years, our paper has grown in its size and format, vastly extended its coverage and deepened its analysis, increased its circulation 200 fold, etc. The Worker — written, financed, published by the workers themselves and passed from hand to hand — finds its way into the homes and hearts of working people all across the city and the country precisely because the ideas of The Worker are the ideas of the working class — ideas which arise from the conditions, from the actual life of the workers and reflect their aspirations and their needs. The ideas of The Worker are the advanced, scientific ideas which show how to fight capitalist oppression and which point the way out of the hell of capitalism. The sole task of The Worker, its only reason for existence — is to present the politics and ideology of the working class.
The question of providing clear-cut and scientific solutions is fundamental. Part of the arsenal of the bourgeoisie on the ideological front is to expose certain problems. In fact the bourgeoisie have created a big industry out of “exposing” what everyone already knows. But all these “exposures” are designed either to create the illusion that the problem is being taken care of (while business continues as usual) or else to leave the masses with a feeling of powerlessness, with the feeling that there are too many problems without any solution.
We provide solutions because in the first place we deal not just with effects but also reveal the root cause of the sufferings of the masses as the capitalist system. Our solutions are based on the great historical truths that it is the class struggle of the workers and oppressed masses which is the source of all progress, that the decisive question is the independent organization and degree of consciousness of the workers which determines the effectiveness of the struggle, that independent consciousness and organization is linked with isolation and exposure of the parties of compromise, that the goal of the struggle is the overthrow of the state machine, the political instrument for maintaining the oppression and exploitation, and that only through the revolution can the workers proceed with the building of the genuine socialist society.
With this line we link together the short-term and long-term solutions, always concentrating the attention of the workers on the burning political task — the task of building up the political party and mass organizations of the workers themselves, of developing the independent organization which maximizes the immediate struggle and at the same time accumulates forces for the socialist revolution.
This is the line of science, the line of Marxism-Leninism.
Above all things, bourgeois ideology is directed against Marxism-Leninism. Today the bourgeoisie are engaged in a deafening propaganda campaign about the so-called death of Marxism which is called a “dogma,” a “faith”, a “religion.” But there is nothing new in this bourgeois campaign — for 140 years they have been engaged in the same hysterical propaganda. The campaign of the bourgeoisie against Marxism-Leninism is a campaign against science, against rational human thought as well as a campaign against the working class and its struggle for emancipation. One of the prime things that distinguishes human beings from the animal kingdom is that the activity of human beings is informed by thought, by ideas — through social activity the people come to reflect in their minds the objective laws inherent in nature and society and in turn use these ideas to guide their activity. Marxism-Leninism is the science of social development, the reflection in thought of the objective processes of change, development and motion which are unfolding in society. Marxism-Leninism is a summation of the struggles of the working class and oppressed masses who throughout history have been pushing society forward.
Thus the attempt of the bourgeoisie to claim that Marxism is a dogma is really an attempt to negate the existence of objective reality, to negate the laws of motion of society, to maintain that society is unknowable and that history itself is a series of accidents. It is interesting that underneath the propaganda about the “sterility and dogmatism of Marxism” the bourgeoisie present the most metaphysical, idealist and dead dogmas. The cornerstone of bourgeois theories is that history and social development has stopped with the advent of capitalism, that social progress is no longer possible nor desirable. To present this static, absurd view of history as true, the bourgeoisie maintain that all the social and ideological categories created by the bourgeoisie (the exploitation of labor by capital, the capitalist ideologies of exploitation, pragmatism, etc., etc.) are eternal. Thus the bourgeoisie condemn Marxism for not taking into account the fact that man, by nature, is “greedy, sinful and striving always to exploit and oppress.”
The fact is that no amount of bourgeois propaganda or repression can ever wipe out Marxism-Leninism, any more than one could hope to wipe out the law of gravity. Marxism-Leninism arises from the objective world. Just as the working class — its aspirations and struggles for a world without exploitation — is the main motor of social development, Marxism-Leninism is the theory that guides the working class in overthrowing the old society and building the new.
The bourgeois complaint against the Marxist-Leninists is that we are too definite in our ideas and our activity; the bourgeoisie allege that Marxist-Leninists are narrow in outlook, close-minded, authoritarian, etc. The bourgeoisie call us anti-democratic because we say that Racists and Fascists Have No Right to Speak. Everyday while the bourgeoisie organizes secret meetings and plots against the people we go amongst the people to engage in discussion and persuasion. We engage in discussion to assist the masses in coming forward in the struggle, to explain the Marxist-Leninist science and persuade the masses about the correctness of our line but, at the same time, our line itself is never a matter of discussion. We do not discuss whether racial discrimination, whether aggressive imperialist war or capitalism is good or bad — we fight against these things and for their overthrow.
Another aspect of the definiteness of Marxist-Leninists is that we do not forget historical experience nor do we forget the character of classes. No matter how many times the Democratic Party calls itself the party of the workers, peace and the national minorities we remember that this party is a party of the capitalists, a party that wears the robes of the KKK, that has joined in the most genocidal imperialist wars, that calls out the troops and police against workers' strikes. The bourgeoisie hate the Marxist-Leninists for our definiteness, for our obstinate refusal to forget historical experience. The bourgeoisie seek to create euphoria amongst the masses, to say one thing in public and do the opposite behind the backs of the people, to attack the masses one day but call for conciliation the next. By sticking to the Marxist-Leninist principles, the Marxist-Leninist science and the Marxist-Leninist analysis we insure that we are never caught unawares but are always ready to throw ourselves into the struggle against the bourgeoisie — into the struggle to defend and advance the interests of the masses.
The opportunists attack Marxism-Leninism on the same basis and with the same virulence as the bourgeoisie. The opportunists insist that they “sympathize” with the Marxist-Leninists and the workers — that they want the “same things” — even while they insist that we are “too definite,” that if we only water down the line a little we will get better results.
One of the opportunist refrains goes like this “well, in theory, you are right but in practice .. .” and after that little but the opportunists proceed to negate the entire Marxist-Leninist theory and program. Or the opportunists say “it is not a question of theory — of course, we agree with you, on that — but of tactics.” Indeed the question of tactics is extremely important but the tactical question is precisely the question of how to develop the immediate fight in order to advance the long-term interests of the proletariat; the Marxist-Leninist tactics deal with the question of how to fight while the opportunist tactics deal with the question of how to capitulate. Tactics involve developing the exposure and isolation of the trade union bosses, not uniting with them; tactics involve dealing blows at the Democratic Party and assisting the masses onto the path of independent political action, not striving to prolong the tutelage of the Democrats over the workers; tactics involves imbuing the masses with Marxism-Leninism by concretely analyzing the society, not hiding the truth from the people.
There are people who advertise themselves as Marxist-Leninists who follow this line — who maintain that the political line of an organization is irrelevant and that all political discussion and clarification leads to splits. These so-called Marxist-Leninists want vagueness and indefiniteness in politics in order to leave the workers under the domination of opportunism. It is precisely because people like this, like all opportunists, refuse to work out the independent Marxist-Leninist line and program that they are always cursing their fate, unable to orient even themselves much less place themselves at the head of the struggling masses.
While the opportunists, like all capitalist politicians, try to be as indefinite and vague as possible about how to advance the struggle and program of the working class, they are very definite and insistent about 10,001 little dogmas and doctrines. While the opportunists use indefiniteness to try to cover over their collaboration with the state machine, they are very definite that all “whites are racist.” While they try to avoid discussion on practical political life in order to cover over their alliance with the Democratic Party and the labor aristocracy they are very definite that “Stalin was a murderer,” that “socialism doesn't work,” etc., etc. The so-called Marxist-Leninists who refuse, on principle (!), to engage in political discussion are very definite about being the only people for “revolution here.”
All the dogmas and commandments of the opportunists are designed to divert attention from the question of finding solutions, from advancing the actual struggle and program of the working masses. The opportunists hope to cower the working people with grand phrases while avoiding discussion over the issues. The Marxist-Leninists do not raise ideological questions for their own sake or to divert attention. We propagate definite ideas in order to resolve the practical political problems facing the people — in order to advance the class and mass struggles, in order to build up the political party of the workers, in order to accumulate forces for the socialist revolution....
The key thing that has enabled us to advance is that we have built in a step-wise manner, working and fighting to turn the advanced Marxist-Leninist ideas info a material force amongst the masses — into organization as well as into a program of action. When we take up a question — whether it is the issue of war and imperialism, or the rights of immigrant workers, the resurgence of racism, or the broad campaign for democracy and socialism, we do not let go. We will continue these struggles until victory and the milestones along the way — the test of how we are advancing and getting results — are in the degree of organization and the level of struggle.
In order to translate the ideas of The Worker into the consciousness and organization of the masses, the first thing is that we can't keep these ideas to ourselves. Rather we must saturate the working class with them. Our experience shows that there is great ferment and discussion amongst the masses and that the widescale distribution of The Worker inevitably produces concrete results — new readers and subscribers, new links with the masses. In the course of this work we strengthen our contact with definite sections of the class.
We must stay in the center of the discussion of millions. And this requires efforts of everyone. We are centralizing the production, writing and distribution of The Worker precisely in order to maximize the initiative of the comrades and friends. The task of the editorial group is to present the line so that the entire organization can devote itself to winning the masses to the line. This means that every comrade must work to insure that The Worker addresses the problems of the masses and provides solutions. It is very easy to criticize the bourgeoisie, but the decisive question is to know the motion of the masses, to concretely assess the strength of various bourgeois and opportunist currents and to work out the tactics and program for advancing the struggle. This can only be accomplished through continual, live contact with the masses, through the conscious summation of the work and the unified struggle to implement the Marxist-Leninist tactics.
We need to persist, to stick with our principles and our line. The working class is persistent and disciplined by nature — it has no choice but to go to work everyday. Nor do the workers have any choice but to wage the class struggle everyday. The ideas of the workers are not something that they put on one day and take off the next like a suit of clothes. Everyday the workers denounce the capitalist class and struggle to gain their economic and political rights. So too for us. We are not only denouncing the capitalist class but trying to provide science and organization to the working class movement. We must always remember that what is clear to us, as Marxist-Leninists, is not necessarily and immediately clear to everyone else. We can never tire of discussing with our friends and with the masses, the events of the day and through a concrete analysis show them how to come forward and take up the ideological, political and organizational tasks which confront the working class.
The Marxist-Leninists, have 2 invincible weapons: we have the masses of people, who like us, are struggling for the truth, and we have the theory of Marxism-Leninism, the science of the working class and its revolutionary struggle. If we rely on these weapons we are invincible.