The Worker, June 16, 2017
Published by the Workers Party, USA
P.O. Box 25716, Chicago, IL 60625

Join in the Activity of Building the Mass Workers’ Press and Developing the Independent Political Movement of the Working Class!

The political crisis which is developing in our country confronts the people with a grave challenge. The Democratic and Republican parties can only offer more poverty and exploitation, more racism, war and repression.

On the other side, people are thoroughly fed up with the Democrats and Republicans. What is more, people are turning towards independent action. In recent months, participation in various protests and demonstrations has become broader and these actions are assuming an increasingly political character. In areas where our Party has concentrated its work, our experience is that large sections of people are enthusiastic about the independent program of economic rights, democratic renewal, a democratic foreign policy and socialism.

What is needed is to accelerate the growth of the independent movement by creating a broad and lively atmosphere in which people can get together and come into the political arena with their own program and banners.

One decisive task in paving the way for the independent political movement is building the mass workers’ press. Through The Worker and other progressive publications, the Party and the working class mobilize public opinion against the reactionary program of the capitalists. Even more importantly the mass workers’ press unites people around the program of economic rights, democratic renewal, a democratic foreign policy and socialism and carries out the theoretical and ideological work needed to rally ever-wider sections of the people.

The Worker and the mass workers' press are helping to create the conditions for defeating the influence of the monopoly-controlled media by going against the de-politicalization of the people and helping to create a new political culture in our country. Such a new political culture can only be created by starting from the aspirations of the people and developing the discussion amongst the broadest sections of the people. Such a new political culture starts from an independent vision and agenda for society and focuses attention on the burning concerns and needs of the people in order to put forward a genuinely pro-social agenda aimed at uniting the people.

To help create the conditions for such a new political culture, The Worker and the mass workers’ press work to provide needed information, background and analysis to assist people in finding out, thinking through problems and strengthening their convictions. We are developing a forum in which people can discuss their agenda as well as the strategy and tactics of their own movement.

To help carry this work out in an organized and collective way, the Party builds groups to discuss and distribute The Worker and to contribute to other Party and non-Party publications. These groups take up the responsibility to politicize themselves and the people in definite areas.

The practical guidelines of the groups to discuss and distribute The Worker include: 1) continually studying the line of The Worker and the concrete conditions in their area in order to decide on the guiding line of their work. Only by consciously working out their guiding line, can the groups go against the pressures of spontaneity and consistently develop the independent politics of the Party amongst the people; 2) bringing this politics to the people by combining widescale distribution and discussion with in-depth, particularized work; and 3) summing up the work.

We call on the members and friends of the Party to help consolidate this work of the Party and break new ground. We call on all the workers and people to break the monopoly of the Republicans and Democrats by speaking their own minds and building their own independent political movement. We call on all progressive political activists to take a broad view of things and sit together to help sort out how to advance our common aims and agenda.

In our view, the day-to-day work of broadening and deepening the content of the mass workers’ press and expanding its circulation is vital to creating the conditions for the rise of the mass independent working class and popular political movement.

For Your Reference:

U.S. Occupation and Colonization of Puerto Rico

In order to provide our readers with some history and background on U.S. colonial domination of Puerto Rico, The Worker is printing the following reference material.

U.S. imperialism invaded and occupied Puerto Rico in 1898. Although U.S. imperialism loves to claim that it “liberated” Puerto Rico from Spanish colonialism the facts show that the U.S. declared war on Spain solely in order to thwart the on-going liberation movements in Cuba, the Philippines and Puerto Rico and convert these nations into colonies of the U.S. rather than Spain.

After occupying Puerto Rico with 10,000 troops, the U.S. government immediately stripped the country of the limited autonomy which had been won from Spain in 1897. In order to firmly establish U.S. colonial rule, the U.S. military governors imposed martial law on the country, ruling with absolute authority. L.S.Rowe, U.S. chairman of the Puerto Rican Code Commission evaluated the role of the military in this way: “authority of military commanders is free from the constitutional limitations ...” “The army . . . stepped in and performed magnificent service in the interest of order and civilization. It impressed upon the more turbulent element of the native population the lesson, not likely soon to be forgotten – that American sovereignty means above all, respect for law and order, and that the slightest breach of this entails certain and swift punishment.”

After 2 years of military rule to teach the “turbulent element of the native population the lesson” of U.S. “order and civilization,” the U.S. imposed a colonial administration on Puerto Rico. Under the Foraker Act (1900) and the Jones Act (1917), the U.S. government declared itself the sovereign power in Puerto Rico, authorizing the President to appoint the country’s governor and giving the U.S. Congress veto power over any and all laws approved by the Puerto Rican institutions. The colonial status of Puerto Rico is well illustrated by the fact that while the Jones Act gave the Puerto Ricans the “right” to be drafted and to fight in U.S. imperialism’s foreign wars, until the 1950’s the U.S. colonial administration forcibly suppressed the teaching of Spanish in Puerto Rican schools.

In 1952, the U.S. Congress passed Public Law 600 which created the current Commonwealth status for Puerto Rico. This was merely a continuation of the nation’s colonial status. As Congressmen Joseph Mahoney stated during the hearings on the Commonwealth law: “The U.S. Constitution gives the U.S. Congress complete control, and nothing in the Puerto Rican Constitution could affect or amend or alter that right.” Thus today the U.S. government decides all the affairs of Puerto Rico, including its foreign policy, its immigration policy, its economic system, etc., etc. The U.S. government retains, and continually exercises the right to expropriate any Puerto Rican lands or property.

Economic Penetration

Having established its colonial rule in Puerto Rico, U.S.imperialism rapidly began to plunder the wealth of the nation and super-exploit the people. As one U.S. colonial administrator pointed out in the early 1900’s: “American commerce followed sharply upon the heels of the American army.”

In order to facilitate U.S. economic penetration, special laws were passed making the dollar the official currency, bringing Puerto Rico under the system of U.S. protective tariffs, allowing the local government to seize land and sell it at fixed prices to U.S. corporations, etc., etc. These measures helped the U.S. corporations take complete control over Puerto Rico’s agricultural development and dominate the island’s export and import trade.

Puerto Rico’s self-sufficient agriculture was replaced by a cash crop economy in which the sugar and tobacco industries accounted for 86% of the country’s exports by 1930. By that time, 4 U.S. sugar companies controlled more than 50% of the industry while the tobacco industry was almost wholly U.S. owned. Despite the fact that the country’s population stood at only 2 million, it was the 2nd largest U.S. trading partner in Latin America and the ninth largest in the world – while the U.S. imported sugar and tobacco cheaply, in return it sold foodstuffs and manufactured goods at high prices.

Beginning in 1940, U.S. imperialism and the local colonial administration in Puerto Rico initiated the economic policy known as “Operation Bootstrap” in order to facilitate the setting up of U.S. industry throughout the country. Special tax codes were written allowing U.S. companies to forego payment of any income tax, open shop laws curtailing trade union rights were passed, etc., etc. During the next 30 years hundreds of big U.S. corporations established operations in Puerto Rico, making the country one of the top 20 industrialized areas in the world. Such monopoly outfits as Union Carbide, Phillips Petroleum, Kennecott Copper, General Electric, Ford, etc., etc. found the ability to secure profits 10 times greater than in the U.S. through the superexploitation of Puerto Rican workers. Today over 2,000 U.S. multinational corporations operate in Puerto Rico, controlling 90% of the country’s industry.

However, rather than improving the lives of the Puerto Rican people this massive industrialization has been carried out on their backs, throwing them into poverty and super-exploitation. Today the average per capita income in Puerto Rico is only $24,030 per year (or slightly more than 65% the per capita income of Mississippi, the poorest of the 50 states). The minimum wage in the U.S. is generally considered the maximum wage in Puerto Rico. Puerto Rico’s Departamento del Trabajo y Recurso Humanos claims unemployment is 11.5% while 46.2% of the population fall below the official poverty line.


In order to maintain its colonial rule in Puerto Rico, in order to insure the super-exploitation of the workers by U.S. corporations, U.S. imperialism and its colonial apparatus in the country have carried out a systematic policy of repression against the working class, the popular masses and the movement for Puerto Rican independence. In the 1930’s the U.S. army and local police suppressed several militant struggles of the sugar cane workers, longshoremen, university students and others. Also in the 1930’s, the Puerto Rican patriot Albizu Campos launched the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party with the platform of self-determination and independence for Puerto Rico. Campos was indicted and tried by U.S. courts for “sedition and conspiracy” while brutal repression was unleashed against the nationalists, including the infamous Ponce massacre in 1937. In 1950 the Puerto Rican National Guard, an arm of the U.S. military, and the U.S. Air Force were called out to suppress the nationalist uprising in Jayuya. In 1947 U.
S. imperialism imposed Law 53, known as the “Muzzle Law” which made it a felony to “promote, advocate, advise or preach voluntarily and knowingly the necessity, desirability or suitability of overthrowing, paralyzing or subverting the insular government or any of its political divisions by means of force or violence.” This law made it a crime to organize against U.S. imperialist domination of Puerto Rico, outlawing the movement for independence. Since that time, thousands of Puerto Rican patriots have been imprisoned.

This history shows that U.S. imperialism is not about to voluntarily give up its colonial rule in Puerto Rico. In addition to plundering the vast natural resources of the country including copper, nickel and off-shore oil, the U.S. companies rake in superprofits through the super-exploitation of the Puerto Rican workers.

Yet despite decades of colonization and military repression, the Puerto Rican people are continuing their struggle for national independence and self-determination. It is the duty of the U.S. working class to support this struggle and demand that U.S. imperialism get out of Puerto Rico.

Imperialism Means War

In this issue we are printing excerpts from V.I. Lenin’s book: “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism.” We encourage our readers not only to review these short passages but to read and re-read this classic work in light of contemporary conditions.

Imperialism As A Special Stage of Capitalism

In Chapter VII, entitled “Imperialism as a Special Stage of Capitalism,” Lenin writes:

“We must now try to sum up, put together, what has been said above on the subject of imperialism. Imperialism emerged as the development and direct continuation of the fundamental characteristics of capitalism in general. But capitalism only became capitalist imperialism at a definite and very high stage of its development, when certain of its fundamental characteristics began to change into their opposites, when the features of the epoch of transition from capitalism to a higher social and economic system had taken shape and revealed themselves all along the line. Economically, the main thing in this process is the displacement of capitalist free competition by capitalist monopoly. Free competition is the fundamental characteristic of capitalism, and of commodity production generally; monopoly is the exact opposite of free competition, but we have seen the latter being transformed into monopoly before our eye, creating large-scale industry and forcing out small industry, replacing large-scale by still larger
-scale industry, and carrying concentration of production and capital to the point where out of it has grown and is growing monopoly: cartels, syndicates and trusts, and merging with them, the capital of a dozen or so banks, which main plate thousands of millions. At the same time the monopolies, which have grown out of free competition, do not eliminate the latter, but exist over it and alongside of it, and thereby give rise to a number of very acute, intense antagonisms, frictions and conflicts. Monopoly is the transition from capitalism to a higher system.”

“If it were necessary to give the briefest possible definition of imperialism we should have to say that imperialism is the monopoly stage of capitalism. Such a definition would include what is most important, for, on the one hand, finance capital is the bank capital of a few very big monopolist banks, merged with the capital of the monopolist combines of industrialists; and, on the other, the division of the world is the transition from a colonial policy which has extended without hindrance to territories unseized by any capitalist power, to a colonial policy of monopolistic possession of the territory of the world which has been completely divided up.”

“But very brief definitions, although convenient, for they sum up the main points, are nevertheless inadequate, since very important features of the phenomenon that has to be defined have to be especially deduced. And so, without forgetting the conditional and relative value of all definitions in general, which can never embrace all the concatenations of a phenomenon in its complete development, we must give a definition of imperialism that will include the following five of its basic features: 1) the concentration of production and capital has developed to such a high stage that it has created monopolies which play a decisive role in economic life; 2) the merging of bank capital with industrial capital, and the creation, on the basis of this “finance capital,” of a financial oligarchy; 3) the export of capital as distinguished from the export of commodities acquires exceptional importance; 4) the formation of international monopolist capitalist combines which share the world among themselves, and 5) territorial division of the whole world among the biggest capitalist powers is completed.”“Imperialism is capitalism in that stage of development in which the dominance of monopolies and finance capital has established itself; in which the export of capital has acquired pronounced importance; in which the division of the world among the international trusts has begun; in which the division of all territories of the globe among the biggest capitalist powers has been completed.”

In “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism,” Lenin criticizes the theories of Karl Kautsky, theories which to this day play an important role in covering over the basis and inherently aggressive character of the capitalist-imperialist system. Lenin writes:

“The fundamental ideas expressed in our definition of imperialism were very resolutely attacked by Kautsky in 1915, and even in November 1914, when he said that imperialism must not be regarded as a “phase” or stage of economy, but as a policy, a definite policy “preferred” by finance capital. . .”

“The essence of the matter is that Kautsky detaches the politics of imperialism from its economics, speaks of annexations as being a policy “preferred” by finance capital, and opposes to it another bourgeois policy which, he alleges, is possible on this very same basis of finance capital. It follows, then, that monopolies in economics are compatible with non-monopolistic, non-violent, non-annexationist methods in politics. It follows, then, that the territorial division of the world, which was completed precisely during the epoch of finance capital, and which constitutes the basis of the present peculiar forms of rivalry between the biggest capitalist states, is compatible with a non-imperialist policy. The result is a slurring-over and a blunting of the most profound contradictions of the latest stage of capitalism, instead of an exposure of their depth; the result is bourgeois reformism instead of Marxism.” . . .

In Chapter IX, entitled “The Critique of Imperialism,” Lenin criticizes the theory of “ultra-imperialism.” Lenin writes:

“The notorious theory of “ultraimperialism,” invented by Kautsky, is just as reactionary. Kautsky [says]: ‘. . . Cannot the present imperialist policy be supplanted by a new, ultraimperialist policy, which will introduce the joint exploitation of the world by internationally united finance capital in place of the mutual rivalries of national finance capitals? Such a new phase of capitalism is at any rate conceivable.’” . . .

Lenin continues: “It is sufficient to state this question clearly to make it impossible for any reply to be given other than in the negative, for any other basis under capitalism for the division of spheres of influence, of interests, of colonies, etc., than a calculation of the strength of the participants in the division, their general economic, financial, military strength, etc., is inconceivable. And the strength of these participants in the division does not change to an equal degree, for the even development of different undertakings, trusts, branches of industry, or countries is impossible under capitalism. Half a century ago Germany was a miserable, insignificant country, as far as her capitalist strength was concerned, compared with the strength of England at that time; Japan was the same compared with Russia. Is it “conceivable” that in ten or twenty years’ time the relative strength of the imperialist powers will have remained unchanged? Absolutely inconceivable.”

“Therefore, in the realities of the capitalist system, and not in the banal philistine fantasies of English parsons, or of the German “Marxist,” Kautsky, “interimperialist” or “ultraimperialist” alliances, no matter what form they may assume, whether of one imperialist coalition against another, or of a general alliance embracing all the imperialist powers, are inevitably nothing more than a “truce” in periods between wars. Peaceful alliances prepare the ground for wars, and in their turn grow out of wars; the one conditions the other, giving rise to alternating forms of peaceful and non-peaceful struggle out of one and the same basis of imperialist connections and relations within world economics and world politics. But in order to pacify the workers and to reconcile them with the social-chauvinists who have deserted to the side of the bourgeoisie, wise Kautsky separates one link of a single chain from the other, separates the present peaceful (and ultraimperialist, nay, ultra-ultraimperialist) alliance of all the powers for the pacification of China (remember the suppression of the Boxer Rebellion) from the non-peaceful conflict of tomorrow, which will prepare the ground for another “peaceful” general alliance for the partition, say, of Turkey, on the day after tomorrow, etc., etc. Instead of showing the living connection between periods of imperialist peace and periods of imperialist war, Kautsky presents the workers with a lifeless abstraction in order to reconcile them to their lifeless leaders.”

For Your Reference:

The U.S. War Against Korea

The following article providing background material on the U.S. occupation of Korea and the history of U.S. aggression against the Korean people is continued from the April 12 issue of The Worker.

Due to the failure of these “small wars” against the North in 1949, the U.S. was forced to temporarily halt the border aggression and revise its war plans. The new plans called for greater mobilization and concentration of Korean and U.S. troops along the 38th parallel, while at the same time calling for the immediate suppression of South Koreans opposed to U.S. occupation and aggression. A “mopping up “ campaign was launched in the south to suppress any opposition. This campaign resulted in the murders of more than 40,000 South Korean people in the months of December 1949 and January 1950 alone. Over 109,000 Koreans were killed in all of 1949. It was at this time also that the U.S. resurrected the notorious “National Security Law” to implement a fascist and terrorist environment throughout the southern half of the peninsula. According to his memoirs, President Truman at this time ordered Syngman Rhee to “stabilize” the rear of South Korea above all else.

In order to cover-up its war plans, the U.S. State Department started diplomatic efforts at the U.N. Turning truth on its head, U.S. authorities began accusing the North of “having aggressive intentions,” and began drafting a U.N. resolution and a “lawsuit” against North Korea’s “planned armed invasion.” U.S. officials worked feverishly to manufacture hysteria about an “Asian crisis” while attempting to portray North Korea as the aggressor. U.S. intelligence agents, posing as “independent U.N. monitors,” were deployed along the north-south Korean border to act as “third-person” reporters of any invasion by the North. In the first half of 1950, therefore, the threat of “invasion by the north” was used by U.S. imperialism to justify its increasing mobilization of troops and preparations for war.

In June, 1950 U.S. State Department Advisor, John Foster Dulles flew to Tokyo to meet with General MacArthur and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Immediately afterwards, Dulles flew to South Korea where he met with President Rhee, inspected U.S. troops along the border, and told the south Korean national assembly that “you are not alone in the fight against communists” and promised them that they would receive strong “moral and material support” from the U.S. President Rhee reportedly begged Dulles for an order to attack the North, and Dulles told Rhee “I attach great importance to the decisive role which your country can play in the great drama that is unfolding.” After Dulles flew back to Tokyo, South Korean troops were refused all furloughs and ordered to combat status.

The Korean war was part of U.S. imperialism’s strategy of extending its colonial empire to the four ends of the earth by suppressing the national liberation movements and “containing communism.”

On June 25, 1950, the South Korean army launched an attack at dawn against the north along the 38th parallel. After an emergency meeting of North Korea’s Cabinet and Central Committee, the order to counterattack was given to the Korean People’s Army. The next day, Kim Il Sung delivered a radio address in which he stated “The entire Korean people, if they do not want to become slaves of foreign imperialists again, must rise as one in the national-salvation struggle to overthrow and smash the traitorous Syngman Rhee regime and its army. We must win ultimate victory at all costs.” Nearly one million civilian North Korean youth immediately volunteered to fight at the front.

Within a few days after the attack by the southern army, the invasion was reversed and the city of Seoul was in the hands of the northern Korean Peoples’ Army. Syngman Rhee flew secretly out of the city to Pusan and many other members of his ruling clique followed.

The fall of Seoul brought about panic amongst the U.S. military and State Department officials. President Truman ordered U.S. military forces into combat action on the peninsula, including directives to the navy and air forces to begin bombardment north of the 38th parallel. General MacArthur was given “full powers to use the naval and air forces under his command.”

As the U.S. military began its all-out war against the North, an emergency meeting of the U.N. was hastily called and a resolution declaring the war “an armed attack on the Republic of Korea” was passed. This U.N. “resolution” was passed without the presence of representatives from either the Soviet Union or the People’s Republic of China. No representative of Korea was present either.

The war that followed, from 1950-1953, can only be described as one of the most brutal and ferocious wars ever waged by the U.S. It was a war in which official U.S. military doctrine was to carry out a “scorched-earth” policy to annihilate the North Korean people. It was a war filled with innumerable atrocities carried out by U.S. military forces.

During the first year of the war, over one million Korean civilians were killed in the North as a result of U.S. air and ground attacks. Civilian massacres in the south, such as the recently brought to light incident at No Gun-Ri in which hundreds of Korean civilians were slaughtered by U.S. troops, occurred frequently in both the north and south and are well-documented.

(to be continued)

In Every Way, the U.S.-NATO War in Afghanistan Remains an Aggressive, Imperialist War

From the Anti-Imperialist News Service, June 11, 2017.

Today the Pentagon is continuing to carry out offensive military operations in Afghanistan. Villages and airports in numerous cities have been turned into U.S. military bases. U.S. army and special forces operate extensively throughout the country. Through force and fraud the U.S. monopoly capitalist class is trying to turn the land of Afghanistan into its colony.

By colony we mean a country which has been deprived of State independence and has become a possession of an imperialist metropolitan State.

The latest fraud has been an offer by the U.S. to open “peace talks” with those fighting in opposition to the establishment of a U.S. colonial administration in Afghanistan. According to the U.S. spokesman Ashraf Ghani, the “olive branch” is being offered on the following terms: “We want to talk with the Taliban, but it is not an open-ended opportunity. If the Taliban wants to join peace talks, the Afghan government will allow them to open an office, but this is their last chance.”

This offer follows a long list of war crimes committed by the U.S. occupation since 2001, including the mass murder of POWs captured by U.S. forces. As a result of the U.S. invasion and occupation more than 30,000 Afghan civilians have been killed. A climate of fear exists throughout much of the country due to the terrorizing activities of soldiers, police and warlords backed by the U.S. These abuses – arbitrary arrest, torture, kidnapping, rape and extortion carried out by army troops, police and intelligence agents – are frequent and common.

The U.S. occupation aims not only at subjugating Afghanistan but at using that country as another strategic base in its struggle for world domination. The U.S. wants to occupy Afghanistan and use it as a base from which it can oust its competitors and threaten and bully the entire region.

The U.S. occupation, in addition to denying the inalienable right of self-determination to the people of Afghanistan, will only tie the knot for more wars.

But the opposition to the U.S. military occupation of Afghanistan is continuing and gaining strength.

The following statement about Ashraf Ghani's proposal was released by the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan on June 6, 2017.

“Every conference convened to prolong the occupation of Afghanistan is futile and rejected however if it is for ending the occupation and helping in expelling all the foreign military forces then it is welcomed by the Afghans. Talks about peace during the presence of invaders will not yield results and are meaningless.

“The Kabul regime and its masters seek peace and negotiations so the Mujahideen surrender however they shall never succeed in such fake processes. They should not compare true Mujahideen with expired warlords because Mujahideen never surrender to their enemies.”

The only way to achieve peace in Afghanistan is to dispose of the occupation through the withdrawal of all U.S. and foreign troops from Afghanistan and the regaining of the sovereign power of the Afghan people to determine their own affairs.

In the world today, the liberation movements of the colonial peoples and the workers' movements are linked together by common goals. Both movements arise from the oppressed and exploited – from the masses of people. And both movements aim at winning freedom and emancipation. Part of advancing the anti-war movement is linking together the manifold currents of struggles into one mighty torrent – into a broad, popular front against war and imperialism.

A vital starting point for the American people is to carry on a continuous struggle against the chauvinism of the capitalist class. Our constant task is to expose the real class interests – the interests of profit and empire – which drive the war program of the capitalist class. This includes unmasking the demagogy of imperialist pacifism and taking a principled stand in support of the oppressed peoples and in defense of the right of every people to determine their affairs for themselves.

What's Next for the Anti-Imperialist Struggle Against the U.S. Blockade of Cuba?

From the Anti-Imperialist News Service, June 11, 2017.

Last year the National Endowment for Democracy spent over 5.8 million dollars on the U.S. destabilization campaign against Cuba. According to figures listed on, the spending for 2016 was double that of 2014.

The massive amounts of money spent during the Obama administration on Cuba destabilization are a harbinger of what is to come. The capitalist politicians do not part with a dime without an expectation of return. Just as it did during the Obama administration, U.S. imperialism will remain intent on its goal of overthrowing the government, and restoring Cuba to the status of a U.S. colony or semi-colony.

Ahead of a speech scheduled for later this week by Trump about his plans for Cuba, a great deal is being made today in the press about the fact that Obama was the first sitting U.S. President to visit Cuba since the overthrow of Batista. However what is not said is that the real content of the negotiations sponsored by U.S. imperialism were to try to get the people of Cuba to give up at the bargaining table what imperialism had failed to achieve through years of embargo and blockade, C.I.A. covert operations, assassinations, hijacking, biological warfare, and opulent spending on destabilization campaigns.

This entire policy was an attempt to 1) cover over the depth of the contradictions between imperialism and the peoples and 2) separate the problems of war and colonialism from their root cause in the imperialist system. The tactic of imperialist pacifism presented half a decade of systematical aggression against Cuba as only a “policy” arising only from some “hawkish” imperialists who might be opposed by some capitalist “doves” – rather than as the inevitable result of the fact that the very existence of the U.S. monopoly capitalist class is bound up with the exploitation of the peoples and the domination of countries.

In the U.S., the capitalists try to keep the workers tied to their political apron-strings by promoting the Democratic Party as the party of the workers and the oppressed minorities.

And precisely because there is so much opposition among the people to war and colonialism, U.S. imperialism is continually at work trying to disguise its exploiting, aggressive aims. U.S. imperialism relies on the counter-revolutionary tactics of imperialist pacifism – of talking about “peace” while waging war, of promising “negotiations and compromise” while imposing its dictate, etc.

These tactics are directed against both the people at home and abroad. For one thing, the capitalist politicians are well aware that whenever the oppressed nations rise up and liberate their countries from colonialism, they destabilize another base of imperialism. So too, the working class movement in the imperialist countries continually strikes blows against the colonial oppressor and destabilizes the “home front” of capitalism, rendering tremendous assistance to the liberation movements.

In the U.S., every generation of Americans has gained inspiration and enlightenment from the international struggles of the workers and oppressed nations – from the heroic struggles of the Vietnamese people, the African people, the Cuban people, etc., etc.

The American people have always opposed the aggressive imperialist wars of our “own government.” For example, the American people created massive movements in opposition to the U.S. wars in Korea and Vietnam. A powerful movement was developed against the war in Yugoslavia and even more powerful movements against the two Gulf Wars. Americans from all walks of life have built up on-going movements of friendship and solidarity with the people of Cuba and other peoples oppressed and attacked by U.S. imperialism.

Today, even as the capitalists, and especially their opportunist helpers in the so-called “left-wing” of the Democratic Party, are further refining their counter-revolutionary dual tactics, the American people's anti-war struggles are maturing. A whole new generation of activists is learning the real history of the imperialist system and the government's war program.

The aim of the people can only be to oppose imperialism and colonialism in all its forms. Our aim is to create a world of genuine peace and friendship in which the sovereignty and equality of every nation is recognized and guaranteed. This requires the complete withdrawal of all U.S. troops stationed abroad and an end to U.S. interference in all its forms.

Our aims can only be carried through by building an independent movement of the workers and people, a movement in opposition to and struggle against the capitalist class which is the source of war and colonialism.

U.S. Imperialism Oils the Machinery for More War

From the Anti-Imperialist News Service, June 4, 2017.

On May 20, U.S. President Trump signed agreements with Saudi Arabia's king Salman pledging $110 billion worth of weapon sales and training to support U.S. imperialism's war program in the Middle East. The agreements were titled Foreign Military Sales Letters of Offer and Acceptance, and Memorandum of Intent. The agreements also call for another $240 billion worth of arms deals with Saudi Arabia over the next ten years.

This $110 billion agreement will result in massive amounts of U.S. military hardware pre-positioned in the country. It includes patriot missiles and a THAAD ballistic missile system, advanced radar systems, battle tanks, fighter jets and attack helicopters, heavy caliber machine guns, grenade launchers and artillery rounds.

This latest military build-up is part of U.S. imperialism's all-around militarization of the Middle East. In addition to its aggressive wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, tens of thousands of U.S. troops have been stationed in the region and a network of military bases and alliances established. Thousands of U.S. troops are stationed on ships in the Persian Gulf and in military bases in Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Oman and elsewhere. The U.S. military is constantly engaged in training exercises and war games in the region, building up the armies of various reactionary Arab regimes, and bringing these forces under its direct command.

U.S. imperialism's militarization of the Middle East is motivated by the drive of the U.S. monopoly capitalist class to plunder the oil wealth of the region and maintain its domination of this strategic part of the world. U.S. imperialism is preparing the ground for new wars in the Middle East – wars to suppress the national liberation movements of the Arab peoples as well as wars of rivalry against competing imperialist powers. In either case it is and will be the peoples who pay the price.